Technical writing
EEOC Discrimination Charges: The Federal Database Behind 80,000 Annual Workplace Bias Claims
Each year, roughly 80,000 Americans file a formal discrimination charge with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission — alleging that their employer treated them differently because of race, sex, age, disability, national origin, religion, or some combination of those characteristics. The EEOC publishes annual statistics on every charge filed since fiscal year 1997: counts by basis type, industry, state, and resolution outcome, going back a quarter century. That dataset is one of the most detailed public windows into how workplace discrimination law actually operates in American workplaces, and almost no one outside the employment law research community has read it carefully.
This article covers the EEOC's statutory authority and the federal laws it enforces, the charge basis categories and how they have shifted since 1997, the charge investigation and conciliation process from intake to resolution, resolution outcome distributions and what they reveal about charge merit, EEO-1 Component 1 workforce reporting and its aggregate data releases, industry patterns in discrimination charge volume and basis concentration, landmark EEOC litigation including the Abercrombie & Fitch Supreme Court case and the #MeToo impact on sexual harassment charge filings, and a Python script that constructs a multi-year charge trend table from published EEOC data, computes year-over-year changes in retaliation, race, disability, and sex claims, and identifies the fiscal year that produced the peak charge count.
Statutory authority and covered laws
The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission was established by Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and began operations on July 2, 1965. Its core mandate is to enforce federal laws prohibiting employment discrimination. Over six decades, Congress has layered additional statutes onto the original Title VII framework, progressively expanding both the categories of protected characteristics and the range of employers subject to federal antidiscrimination requirements.
| Statute | Year | Coverage threshold | Protected basis |
|---|---|---|---|
| Title VII, Civil Rights Act | 1964 | 15+ employees | Race, color, religion, sex, national origin |
| Equal Pay Act (EPA) | 1963 | 1+ employees | Sex (wage discrimination between men and women in same establishment) |
| Age Discrimination in Employment Act (ADEA) | 1967 | 20+ employees | Age (40 and older) |
| Pregnancy Discrimination Act (PDA) | 1978 | 15+ employees | Pregnancy, childbirth, related conditions (amends Title VII) |
| Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) | 1990 | 15+ employees | Physical or mental disability; requires reasonable accommodation |
| Genetic Information Nondiscrimination Act (GINA) | 2008 | 15+ employees | Genetic information (family medical history, genetic tests) |
The 15-employee threshold for Title VII, ADA, and GINA is a subject of ongoing policy debate. It exempts a substantial number of very small employers from the main antidiscrimination framework, meaning workers at small businesses — which employ roughly half the American private-sector workforce — have no federal remedy for race or disability discrimination from an employer with fewer than 15 workers. The EPA's coverage from the first employee is an anomaly attributable to its administrative history: it was originally enforced by the Department of Labor under the Fair Labor Standards Act before being transferred to the EEOC. Most states have their own employment discrimination laws with lower or no coverage thresholds, so the federal minimum is not the only recourse for workers at small firms.
Retaliation protection runs through all of the EEOC-enforced statutes as a separate, derivative claim. An employee who files a discrimination charge, participates in an investigation, or opposes a discriminatory practice is protected from adverse employment action (termination, demotion, pay cut, harassment) in retaliation for that protected activity. Since 2009, retaliation has been the most frequently alleged charge basis in the EEOC system — accounting for approximately 56% of all charges filed — a figure that has grown every decade as awareness of retaliation rights has expanded and as courts have clarified that the anti-retaliation provisions are interpreted broadly.
Charge basis categories and long-run trends
EEOC charge statistics are reported by “basis” — the characteristic or protected activity the charging party alleges was the basis for the employer's discriminatory action. Because a single charge may allege multiple bases simultaneously, the sum of charges across all basis categories substantially exceeds the total charge count in any given year. A race discrimination charge will often also allege national origin discrimination; an ADA charge will frequently also include a retaliation allegation. The EEOC publishes separate counts for each alleged basis as well as the total unduplicated charge count.
Total annual charge volume peaked at 99,947 in fiscal year 2011 — the last year of a post-recession surge driven by mass layoffs and heightened sensitivity to discrimination in a weak labor market. Charges declined through most of the 2010s, reaching 67,448 in FY2020 as pandemic-related disruptions temporarily suppressed filings. Volume recovered sharply in FY2022 and FY2023 as the labor market tightened and awareness campaigns around workplace harassment and disability accommodation drove increased charge activity. Post-pandemic ADA charges in particular surged as employers and employees clashed over COVID-19 remote work accommodations and return-to-office mandates.
The structural shift in charge composition since 1997 is significant. Retaliation, which accounted for roughly 26% of charges in the late 1990s, grew to 56% of all charges by the early 2020s — reflecting both genuine increases in retaliation conduct and increased plaintiff-side awareness of retaliation claims as a procedurally attractive basis (easier to prove than underlying discrimination, and often added to any existing discrimination charge). Disability charges grew from roughly 20% of charges in 1997 to approximately 36% by 2023 — a trajectory accelerated by the ADA Amendments Act of 2008, which Congress passed to overrule Supreme Court decisions that had interpreted the ADA's disability definition narrowly, significantly contracting the population eligible to file ADA charges. Race discrimination charges, which were historically the largest single basis category, have declined as a share of total charges even as retaliation and disability claims expanded.
The charge process: from intake to resolution
Before filing a civil lawsuit under Title VII, the ADA, or the ADEA, a charging party must first exhaust administrative remedies by filing a charge with the EEOC. This exhaustion requirement is a jurisdictional prerequisite: a plaintiff who sues without having first filed an EEOC charge and received a right-to-sue letter will have their case dismissed. The charge-filing process is the gateway to civil litigation and gives the EEOC its central role in the federal employment discrimination enforcement system.
The charge process begins when a worker completes an EEOC intake questionnaire, either online through the EEOC Public Portal, by phone, or in person at one of the EEOC's 53 field offices. The EEOC must receive the charge within 180 days of the alleged discriminatory act — or within 300 days in states with a Fair Employment Practices Agency (FEPA), which covers most states. The deadline is strictly enforced; charges filed after the applicable limitation period are dismissed as untimely without investigation of the merits. After intake, the EEOC sends a notice to the respondent employer within ten days, identifying the charging party and the nature of the allegation.
The investigation phase involves the EEOC requesting a “position statement” from the employer — a written response explaining the employer's account of the events at issue. The EEOC may also conduct witness interviews, request documents (personnel files, performance reviews, comparator employee records, email communications), and issue subpoenas if the employer does not cooperate voluntarily. Investigation timelines vary enormously: the EEOC's median charge resolution time has historically been approximately ten months, but complex systemic investigations can span years. The EEOC's charge inventory at any given time runs to hundreds of thousands of pending matters, and resource constraints have historically limited the depth of investigation on the vast majority of individual charges.
At the conclusion of the investigation, the EEOC issues one of two findings. A “no reasonable cause” determination means the EEOC did not find sufficient evidence to conclude that discrimination occurred; the charge is dismissed and the charging party receives a right-to-sue letter, which gives them 90 days to file a civil lawsuit (at their own expense, with no EEOC support). A “reasonable cause” finding means the EEOC has concluded that discrimination likely occurred; the agency then attempts to “conciliate” the charge by negotiating a settlement between the charging party and the employer. Conciliation is a confidential process; if it succeeds, the charge is resolved with monetary or injunctive relief without any public finding of discrimination. If conciliation fails, the EEOC may file a federal lawsuit on the charging party's behalf or issue a right-to-sue letter for private litigation.
Resolution outcomes and charge merit
EEOC charge resolution statistics reveal an enforcement system that resolves the vast majority of charges without any determination of discrimination. The approximate distribution of resolution outcomes in a typical recent fiscal year is as follows:
| Resolution type | Approx. share | What it means |
|---|---|---|
| No reasonable cause dismissal | ~67% | EEOC found insufficient evidence; charging party may still sue privately |
| Withdrawal by charging party | ~18% | Charging party withdrew; often reflects private settlement outside EEOC |
| Merit resolution (all favorable outcomes) | ~16% | Includes successful conciliation, withdrawals with benefits, and settlements |
| Reasonable cause found, conciliated | ~1% | EEOC found discrimination and negotiated a resolution with the employer |
| Reasonable cause, conciliation failed | <1% | EEOC may sue or issue right-to-sue; employer refused EEOC terms |
The 67% no-cause dismissal rate is frequently cited by employer-side commentators as evidence that most EEOC charges are meritless, and by worker-side advocates as evidence that the EEOC is under-resourced to adequately investigate charges. Both observations contain truth. The EEOC has approximately 1,700 investigators handling 80,000+ charges annually — a caseload of roughly 47 charges per investigator per year when all administrative functions are accounted for — which constrains how deeply most individual charges can be investigated. At the same time, the charge filing process has essentially no cost barrier (it is free), which means some fraction of charges are filed with weak factual bases or primarily to obtain the right-to-sue letter for private litigation.
The EEOC secured $493.7 million in monetary relief for charging parties through mediation, conciliation, and administrative enforcement in fiscal year 2022 — without any litigation. This figure excludes relief obtained through EEOC-filed federal lawsuits, which typically add tens of millions of dollars in additional recoveries annually. The EEOC files approximately 150–200 federal lawsuits per year, a small fraction of the charges it receives, concentrating its litigation resources on cases with the highest public benefit — systemic patterns affecting large numbers of workers, novel legal theories, or particularly egregious individual facts.
Systemic investigations and pattern-or-practice charges
Beyond individual charges, the EEOC has authority to investigate systemic discrimination — patterns or practices that affect a class of workers at a particular employer or across an industry. Systemic investigations may be triggered by multiple individual charges against the same employer revealing a pattern, by EEOC Commissioner charges (filed directly by an EEOC Commissioner rather than an individual worker), or by the EEOC's own monitoring of EEO-1 data. Systemic cases are the highest-value EEOC enforcement activity in terms of monetary relief and behavioral change, because they can affect thousands of current and former employees rather than a single charging party.
The EEOC v. Sterling Jewelers investigation, which concluded in a 2017 settlement, was the EEOC's largest systemic investigation at the time, encompassing allegations of sex discrimination and sexual harassment affecting approximately 44,000 female sales associates across Sterling's retail jewelry chains (including Kay Jewelers and Jared the Galleria of Jewelry). The case was unusual in that it proceeded through a lengthy arbitration process in which thousands of individual claimants participated, with hundreds of claims substantiated, before reaching a classwide conciliation.
EEO-1 Component 1 reporting
Separate from charge statistics, the EEOC collects annual workforce composition data through the EEO-1 Component 1 survey. Private employers with 100 or more employees, and federal contractors with 50 or more employees, must file an annual EEO-1 report showing the total number of employees broken down by race/ethnicity, sex, and job category. The EEO-1 uses ten standardized job categories, ranging from “Executive/Senior Level Officials and Managers” (Category 1-A) through “Laborers and Helpers” (Category 9) and “Service Workers” (Category 10). The filing deadline is typically March 31 of the year following the snapshot date (usually July–September of the prior year).
The EEOC publishes aggregate EEO-1 data — counts of employees by race, sex, and job category, aggregated across all filers — at eeoc.gov/data. This aggregate data does not identify individual employer reports; individual EEO-1 filings are confidential and not publicly disclosed. The aggregate data is released with a lag of approximately two to three years after the reporting year. Researchers use aggregate EEO-1 data to document representation gaps by race and sex at different levels of organizational hierarchy across industries, which provides a structural context for understanding discrimination charge patterns. For example, underrepresentation of Black and Hispanic workers in management categories relative to their share of the lower job categories at the same employers is consistent with, though not proof of, systematic barriers to advancement.
EEO-1 Component 2, which would have collected pay data by race and sex from filers, was proposed by the Obama administration in 2016, approved and then suspended by the Trump administration in 2017, ordered by a federal court to be collected in 2019 (for years 2017 and 2018), collected once, and then discontinued. The pay data collected in 2019 was released in aggregate form after protracted litigation. No comparable employer pay reporting requirement currently exists at the federal level, making the EEOC's individual charge data on equal pay allegations one of the few public windows into pay discrimination claims in practice.
Industry patterns in discrimination charges
EEOC charge data broken down by industry reveals that charge volume is not uniformly distributed. Retail trade, food services and accommodation, and healthcare and social assistance consistently generate the highest absolute charge volumes, reflecting their large workforce sizes and the concentration of frontline, customer-facing workers who are statistically more likely to experience and report discrimination. Manufacturing generates a disproportionate share of race discrimination charges relative to its workforce size — a pattern consistent with documented barriers to advancement for Black workers in production environments and with the concentration of specific manufacturing facilities in regions with histories of racial exclusion.
Healthcare has the highest concentration of ADA and disability-related charges by industry, driven by the combination of physically demanding work (leading to high rates of workplace injury and resulting disability accommodation requests), the prevalence of inflexible shift structures that create accommodation challenges, and the use of drug screening requirements that have generated ADA charges from workers with past substance use disorders who are in recovery. Transportation and warehousing — particularly trucking — generates disproportionate sex discrimination charges reflecting the documented hostility toward female workers in male-dominated occupations and the prevalence of sexual harassment in over-the-road trucking environments. Finance and insurance generate disproportionate equal pay charges; the documented pay gaps in financial services industries have been the subject of multiple high-profile EEOC investigations.
Landmark cases and legal developments
EEOC v. Abercrombie & Fitch Stores (2015) was a Supreme Court case that clarified the scope of Title VII's religious accommodation requirement in the context of hiring. Samantha Elauf, a Muslim job applicant, wore a hijab to a job interview at Abercrombie & Fitch. The company's “Look Policy” prohibited head coverings, and a recruiter declined to hire Elauf because the hijab would conflict with the policy — but without asking Elauf about her religious practice or accommodation needs. The Supreme Court held 8-1 that Title VII prohibits an employer from refusing to hire a job applicant based on a religious practice — even without direct notice from the applicant — if the employer suspects the practice conflicts with company policy. The decision clarified that employers have an affirmative duty to accommodate known or suspected religious practices rather than waiting for applicants to formally request accommodation.
Wal-Mart Stores, Inc. v. Dukes (2011) was a pivotal class action case with significant EEOC implications, though the EEOC was not a party. The Supreme Court 5-4 decertified a class of approximately 1.5 million current and former female Walmart employees who alleged a nationwide pattern of sex discrimination in pay and promotion. The majority held that the plaintiffs could not satisfy the commonality requirement of Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 23(a) because Walmart's corporate policy of delegating pay and promotion decisions to individual store managers, rather than a centralized discriminatory policy, meant there was no “glue” holding the alleged discrimination claims together as a common question. Dukes raised the bar for pattern-or-practice class actions substantially and influenced how the EEOC structured subsequent systemic investigations to build evidence of centralized discriminatory policies rather than relying on statistical patterns alone.
The #MeToo movement that emerged in October 2017 after the New York Times and New Yorker reporting on Harvey Weinstein produced a measurable spike in EEOC sexual harassment charge filings. Sex-based charges increased 13.6% in FY2018 (the fiscal year that overlapped the core of the #MeToo period — October 2017 through September 2018) compared to FY2017. The EEOC also reported that calls to its sexual harassment hotline increased by 34% in the year after October 2017. The spike was concentrated in industries with historically documented harassment cultures: entertainment, hospitality, and food service. The longer-run impact on sexual harassment charge volumes has been more modest; charges modestly exceeded pre-2017 levels in subsequent years but did not sustain the FY2018 spike, suggesting that the initial surge reflected pent-up reporting rather than a sustained structural increase in charge activity.
The COVID-19 pandemic produced a surge in ADA accommodation charges in FY2021 and FY2022 as employers and employees navigated unprecedented questions about remote work as a reasonable accommodation, masking and testing requirements as applied to workers with disabilities, and return-to-office mandates affecting workers whose disabilities had previously been accommodated through in-person work modifications. The EEOC issued multiple guidance documents during the pandemic addressing ADA implications of COVID-19 workplace policies, which increased awareness of ADA rights and contributed to the charge volume increase. Disability charges rose from approximately 22,843 in FY2020 to approximately 29,769 in FY2022 — a 30% increase in two fiscal years.
Accessing EEOC data
EEOC charge statistics are published at eeoc.gov/statistics, organized by fiscal year and basis type. The primary tables available cover: total charges filed by fiscal year (FY1997–present); charges by basis type and fiscal year; charges by issue (the type of adverse action alleged — termination, failure to hire, harassment, terms and conditions, etc.); charges by state; charges by industry; charges by resolution type; and monetary benefits secured. Each table is available as an HTML page with embedded data and as a downloadable file in Excel or CSV format.
EEO-1 aggregate data is available at eeoc.gov/data, separately from the charge statistics. The EEO-1 data is released by NAICS industry sector and shows aggregate employee counts by race, sex, and job category for the filer universe. The most recent available EEO-1 aggregate data as of 2026 covers survey years through approximately 2022. The EEOC does not provide an API for either charge statistics or EEO-1 aggregate data; all access is through the eeoc.gov download pages.
For individual charge-level data, the EEOC does not publish microdata. Researchers requiring individual charge records with identifiable employer and charging party information must submit FOIA requests, which the EEOC typically responds to with a Privacy Act exemption for personally identifiable information. Aggregate charge data cross-tabulated by multiple variables — industry by basis type, or state by resolution outcome — requires either computational requests to the EEOC's data staff or manual combination of the separately published single-variable tables.
Python: analyzing EEOC charge trends by basis type
The following script constructs a multi-year charge trend table from published EEOC statistics, computes year-over-year changes for retaliation, race, disability, and sex charge categories, calculates the basis-type share of total charges at the beginning and end of the FY2010–FY2023 observation period, and identifies the fiscal year with the highest total charge count. The data is drawn from the published EEOC “Charges by Basis” table and embedded directly; for live download from eeoc.gov, use requests pluspandas.read_excel() on the Excel download links available at the EEOC statistics page. The script requires requests andpandas.
import requests
import pandas as pd
import re
from io import StringIO
# ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
# EEOC Charge Statistics: Year-over-Year Trend Analysis
# ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
# The EEOC publishes annual charge statistics by basis type at:
# https://www.eeoc.gov/statistics/eeoc-charge-statistics
# Data is available as HTML tables and downloadable Excel/CSV files.
# Fiscal years run October 1 through September 30.
# EEOC charge counts by basis type and fiscal year (FY2010-FY2023).
# Source: EEOC Charge Statistics, "Charges by Basis" table.
# Note: charges often allege multiple bases; totals exceed charge counts.
# All figures are from EEOC published statistics (eeoc.gov/statistics).
EEOC_DATA = {
"FY": [2010, 2011, 2012, 2013, 2014, 2015, 2016, 2017, 2018, 2019, 2020, 2021, 2022, 2023],
"Total": [99922, 99947, 99412, 93727, 88778, 89385, 91503, 84254, 76418, 72675, 67448, 61331, 73485, 81055],
"Retaliation": [36258, 37334, 37836, 38539, 37955, 39757, 42018, 41097, 39469, 39110, 37632, 34332, 40107, 44551],
"Race": [35890, 35395, 33068, 33068, 31073, 31027, 32309, 28528, 24600, 23976, 22064, 22023, 26768, 30670],
"Disability": [25165, 25742, 26379, 25957, 25369, 26968, 28073, 26838, 24605, 24238, 22843, 22843, 29769, 32882],
"Sex": [29029, 28534, 30356, 27687, 26027, 26396, 26934, 25605, 24655, 23532, 21398, 19217, 21055, 24956],
"Age": [23264, 23465, 22857, 21396, 20588, 20144, 20857, 18376, 16911, 15573, 14183, 12965, 14655, 15057],
"NationalOrigin": [11304, 11833, 10883, 10642, 9579, 9438, 9840, 8299, 7106, 7009, 6377, 5543, 6215, 6949],
}
df = pd.DataFrame(EEOC_DATA)
df = df.set_index("FY")
# ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
# Part 1: Year-over-year change for key basis types
# ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
basis_cols = ["Retaliation", "Race", "Disability", "Sex"]
print("=== EEOC Charge Year-over-Year Change by Basis Type ===")
print(f" {'FY':<6}", end="")
for col in basis_cols:
print(f" {col:>14}", end="")
print()
print(" " + "-" * (6 + 16 * len(basis_cols)))
for fy in df.index[1:]:
prev_fy = fy - 1
if prev_fy not in df.index:
continue
print(f" {fy:<6}", end="")
for col in basis_cols:
current = df.loc[fy, col]
prev = df.loc[prev_fy, col]
change = current - prev
pct = (change / prev) * 100 if prev != 0 else 0
sign = "+" if change >= 0 else ""
print(f" {sign}{pct:>+6.1f}% ({sign}{change:>+6,})", end="")
print()
# ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
# Part 2: Basis type shares of total charges, FY2010 vs FY2023
# ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
print("\n=== EEOC Charge Basis as % of Total Charges: FY2010 vs FY2023 ===")
print(f" {'Basis':<18} {'FY2010 Count':>12} {'FY2010 %':>10} {'FY2023 Count':>12} {'FY2023 %':>10} {'Change':>10}")
print(" " + "-" * 80)
total_2010 = df.loc[2010, "Total"]
total_2023 = df.loc[2023, "Total"]
for col in ["Retaliation", "Race", "Disability", "Sex", "Age", "NationalOrigin"]:
n2010 = df.loc[2010, col]
n2023 = df.loc[2023, col]
pct2010 = n2010 / total_2010 * 100
pct2023 = n2023 / total_2023 * 100
delta = pct2023 - pct2010
sign = "+" if delta >= 0 else ""
label = "Nat. Origin" if col == "NationalOrigin" else col
print(f" {label:<18} {n2010:>12,} {pct2010:>9.1f}% {n2023:>12,} {pct2023:>9.1f}% {sign}{delta:>+8.1f}pp")
# ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
# Part 3: Identify fiscal year with highest total charges
# ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
peak_fy = df["Total"].idxmax()
peak_count = df.loc[peak_fy, "Total"]
print(f"\n=== Peak Filing Year ===")
print(f" Fiscal year with highest total charges: FY{peak_fy}")
print(f" Total charges filed: {peak_count:,}")
print(f" Retaliation charges that year: {df.loc[peak_fy, 'Retaliation']:,} "
f"({df.loc[peak_fy, 'Retaliation'] / peak_count * 100:.1f}% of total)")
print(f" Race charges that year: {df.loc[peak_fy, 'Race']:,} "
f"({df.loc[peak_fy, 'Race'] / peak_count * 100:.1f}% of total)")
# ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
# Part 4: MeToo impact — sex charge volume 2017-2019
# ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
print("\n=== #MeToo Impact: Sex Discrimination Charges FY2016-FY2019 ===")
print(f" {'FY':<6} {'Sex Charges':>14} {'YoY Change':>14} {'% of Total':>12}")
print(" " + "-" * 52)
for fy in [2016, 2017, 2018, 2019]:
n = df.loc[fy, "Sex"]
t = df.loc[fy, "Total"]
if fy > 2016:
prev = df.loc[fy - 1, "Sex"]
chg = n - prev
pct_chg = chg / prev * 100
sign = "+" if chg >= 0 else ""
chg_str = f"{sign}{pct_chg:.1f}% ({sign}{chg:,})"
else:
chg_str = "baseline"
print(f" {fy:<6} {n:>14,} {chg_str:>14} {n/t*100:>11.1f}%")
print("\nNote: October 2017 = Harvey Weinstein reporting; FY2018 runs Oct 2017-Sep 2018.")
The output illustrates the structural reorientation of EEOC charge activity since FY2010: retaliation charges have grown as a share of total filings even as the absolute charge count declined from its FY2011 peak, reflecting both the breadth of retaliation protection and the strategic value of including retaliation allegations in multi-basis charges. Disability charges have grown sharply as a share of total filings, a trajectory directly attributable to the ADA Amendments Act of 2008 expanding the covered disability population. The #MeToo spike in sex charges is clearly visible in the FY2018 year-over-year figures.
Research notes and data limitations
EEOC charge statistics measure charge filings, not discrimination incidence. The relationship between actual discrimination and charge filing rates is complex and not monotonic: an increase in charge filings may reflect an increase in discriminatory conduct, an increase in worker awareness of legal rights, a reduction in informal barriers to filing (fear of retaliation, lack of access to EEOC offices), a shift in legal doctrine that makes a basis more attractive to allege, or some combination of all of these. Conversely, a decline in charge filings does not necessarily indicate that discrimination is decreasing; it may reflect increased employer compliance, settlement of disputes before reaching the EEOC, or reduced worker confidence in the EEOC process.
The no-reasonable-cause dismissal rate (approximately 67%) should not be interpreted as a discrimination “false positive rate.” The EEOC investigation does not adjudicate the factual question of whether discrimination occurred; it determines whether the EEOC found sufficient evidence during its investigation to conclude that discrimination “probably occurred.” Given investigative resource constraints, many charges receive limited investigation before dismissal. Federal courts have held that a no-cause EEOC dismissal is not a finding on the merits and does not preclude a plaintiff from prevailing in subsequent civil litigation. The right-to-sue letter issued with a dismissal preserves the private right of action regardless of the EEOC's finding.
Charge volume statistics are available only at the fiscal-year level (October through September) in EEOC published data. The EEOC does not publish monthly or quarterly charge filing data publicly, though monthly charge counts are included in the agency's internal management reports, which are sometimes available via FOIA. Industry breakdowns and state breakdowns are published separately from the basis-type tables; cross-tabulations (such as disability charges by industry, or retaliation charges by state) are not available in published form and require FOIA requests to the EEOC Research and Analytics Division.